The conflict of 19th century British imperialism and 20th century Moslem nationalism brings tottering Prime Minister Mohammed Mossadegh of Iran to the United Nations.

He comes to present Iran’s case in the dispute over the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company properties at Abadan.

The $500,000,000 refinery, largest in the world, is shut down. Iranian soldiers are guarding the property. British employees have been ordered out and have been evacuated. British warships are blockading the Persian Gulf.

War may explode in the Near East unless a deal can be arranged between the British and the Iranians through the agency of the U.N.

The British have a Parachute Brigade on special alert in Cyprus. Trouble is brewing with Egypt over the Suez Canal and the Sudan. Russia, possessing a 1921 treaty of mutual aid with Iran and with her agents active in Tehran, brood over the situation from the North.

Roots of the trouble go deep into the past. Oil rights were first granted in 1901. A new contract was made in 1933. [Supplemental Agreement]

But Iran’s ruling class—the Shah and the big landholders—got the lion’s share of the oil revenues. Not enough sifted down to the peasant populace in the way of schools, hospitals and tax relief.

World War II and increased demands for oil aggravated the situation.

On March 7 Premier Ali Razmara, counsellor of a moderate course and friend of the Americans and British, was assassinated in the midst of negotiations over oil.

Mossadegh became Premier. He leads the wealthy landlords in a high spirit of nationalism. But he himself fears the fanatical Fedayan Islam who would kill or drive out every foreigner. [Feda’ian Islam]

Events followed fast. March 20 the Iranian government voted for nationalization of oil. In April there were strikes and riots in Abadan, and seizure of the installations of the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company was voted.

In May England took her case to the International Court of Justice, while at the same time trying to negotiate with Iran. The United States pressed for a peaceful settlement.

But Iran refused to recognize the International Court of Justice, or its temporary injunction issued in July calling for restoration of the British properties.

During the Summer talks continued. President Truman sent W. Averill Harriman to Tehran. [sic—Averell Harriman] Various economic proposals were advanced. None was accepted.

In September matters became worse. Tension mounted. Britain applied economic sanctions, sent a fleet into the Persian Gulf. On Sept. 27, Iranian soldiers guarded the property at Abadan.

The case now being argued before the United Nations is more than just a token appearance of a fainting, sick old man from the land of the shahs across the world. The Iranians insist that the dispute is a domestic affair, and no concern of the U.N. Britain has been making every effort to have the affair considered as an international threat to peace.

Some solution may come from the hearings in New York. Iran cannot operate the oil fields without technical assistance. Oil revenues are vital to the operation of the government. Misery, to be exploited by the Communists, awaits the Iranian nation unless oil can be refined and sold.

Much is at stake this week in the Iranian oil crisis: Such matters, for example, as oil for Europe, gasoline for American cars and possibly the peace of the world.